Part I – The Early Church in the Roman Empire and the Power of Mercy

Mercy as Central to Early Christian Identity

From the second century onward, Christian writings reveal a community for whom mercy was not a peripheral virtue but a defining characteristic. Pagan critics and Christian apologists alike testify that Christians were known primarily for two things: their love for one another and their care for the vulnerable. The theologian Tertullian famously summarized pagan astonishment by imagining them saying, “See how they love one another.”¹

This love was not sentimental but social and economic. Early Christian gatherings were structured not only for worship but also for mutual support. The collection of alms became a normal part of worship and an expression of the church’s unity in Christ. The Didache (late 1st–early 2nd century) urges believers to give generously and intentionally to those in need.² Justin Martyr describes Sunday worship in which wealthier members give according to their ability so that the sick, widows, orphans, and strangers may be supported.³

The Christian commitment to mercy was radical in its universality. Unlike pagan benefaction, which was typically directed toward one’s city, social equals, or political patrons, Christian charity was extended to all, including slaves, beggars, widows, prisoners, and even persecutors. In a letter describing the church in Lyons and Vienne (A.D. 177), the writers praise believers who cared for the imprisoned and those suffering torture, often at great personal risk.⁴

What made this mercy distinctive was its theological grounding. Christians believed that all people, regardless of status and were made in the image of God (Gen 1:27). Social hierarchies were relativized within the church: the poor were honored, widows were protected, and hospitality was extended broadly. Mercy was not simply a moral virtue—it was a visible sign of the kingdom of God breaking into the world.

Widows, Orphans, and the Poor: Internal Structures of Care

The office of deacon and the administration of mercy

The early church quickly developed formal structures for the administration of charity. Acts 6 describes the appointment of seven men—often considered the first deacons—to ensure that widows were not neglected in the daily distribution of food. Though the specific office of “deacon” evolved over time, the early church consistently linked it to ministry on behalf of the poor.⁵

Ignatius of Antioch (early 2nd century) speaks of deacons as “ministers of the mysteries of Christ,” but his writings and those of other early witnesses suggest that deacons also played crucial administrative and pastoral roles, including distributing alms and caring for the needy.⁶ By the third century, deacons were often responsible for managing the church’s finances with a special concern for the vulnerable. Cyprian of Carthage mentions deacons who oversaw food, clothing, and shelter for the poor in their congregations.⁷

Widows as recipients and agents of mercy

Widows held a unique place in early Christian life. Because they were among the most economically vulnerable in the ancient world, the church took seriously Paul’s instruction to “give proper recognition to those widows who are really in need” (1 Tim 5:3 NIV). Early Christian documents indicate that widows were enrolled into official lists to receive ongoing support.⁸

But widows were not merely passive recipients of aid. Many texts portray them as agents of mercy. The Didascalia Apostolorum (3rd century) instructs widows to pray continually for the church, care for the sick, and visit believers in distress.⁹ Some scholars suggest that widows functioned as early pastoral workers, exercising ministries of encouragement, prayer, and visitation in ways parallel to the ordained clergy. The church’s care for widows thus both preserved their dignity and employed their gifts for the strengthening of the community.

Orphans and charity as familial reconstitution

Orphans were also a particular focus of early Christian care. In a society without orphanages and minimal state support, abandoned infants were especially vulnerable. Christians took in orphans, raised them, and integrated them into the household of faith. The Christian community acted as an extended family—reconstituting kinship ties through the gospel.

This reconfiguration of family relationships was one of the most powerful features of Christian identity. Jesus had said that whoever did the will of God was His brother, sister, and mother (Mark 3:35). Early Christians took this literally: family loyalty was transferred from biological kinship to spiritual kinship, and mercy became the means by which these new familial bonds were enacted.

Mercy as Evangelistic Witness and Social Differentiation

Mercy as a persuasive apologetic

The early Christian community’s commitment to mercy did not go unnoticed. Several early apologists used Christian charity as evidence of the truth and beauty of the faith. Aristides, writing to Emperor Hadrian around A.D. 125, describes Christians who “give freely to everyone who is in need,” adding that their love is so profound “that they call each other brothers, not according to the flesh, but according to the spirit.”¹⁰

Tertullian likewise presents Christian benevolence as a reason why pagans were drawn to the faith. He notes that Christians took responsibility for the burial of the poor, the care of orphans, and the support of the elderly, contrasting this with pagan societies where such duties were often neglected.¹¹ For early Christian authors, charity was an apologetic: it demonstrated the moral superiority of the gospel and gave credibility to Christian claims.

The admiration—and alarm—of pagan officials

Pagan responses to Christian charity ranged from admiration to alarm. The most famous example is the testimony of Julian the Apostate, the last pagan emperor of Rome. Attempting to revive pagan religion in the 360s, Julian recognized that Christian generosity posed a threat to his goals. In a letter to a pagan priest, he complains:

“The impious Galileans support not only their own poor, but ours as well. Everyone can see that our people lack aid from us.”¹²

Julian urged pagan priests to imitate Christian charity, but his attempt to institutionalize pagan benevolence ultimately failed. Paganism lacked the theological foundation—belief in the imago Dei, the unity of the church, and the self-giving love of Christ—that made Christian mercy sustainable.

Charity as boundary-marking behavior

In addition to attracting outsiders, mercy helped define the boundaries of the Christian community. Charity signaled belonging. To participate in Christian fellowship was to give and receive mercy. Those who refused to provide for the poor were seen as failing in basic discipleship. The Shepherd of Hermas (2nd century) warns wealthy Christians against hoarding wealth and praises almsgiving as a means of demonstrating repentance and fidelity.¹³

This boundary-defining function of mercy created a powerful internal culture. Christians saw themselves as a community set apart from the world—not through withdrawal but through compassionate engagement. Mercy became a badge of identity.

Mercy in Times of Crisis: Epidemics, Persecution, and Survival

Epidemics as moments of Christian distinctiveness

Epidemics in the Roman Empire devastated cities and exposed the fragility of social bonds. During the Plague of Cyprian, for example, widespread fear led many to abandon even their own relatives. Yet Christians, motivated by Christ’s command to love their neighbor, stayed behind to care for the sick.¹⁴ Cyprian himself exhorted believers to demonstrate mercy even toward enemies, promising that such acts reflected the generosity of God.¹⁵

These acts of mercy provided a stark contrast to pagan responses and led to increased openness toward Christianity. Stark argues that because basic nursing dramatically increases survival rates, Christian communities experienced lower mortality during plagues, which not only preserved the church’s population but also generated gratitude among those who recovered under Christian care.¹⁶

Persecution and the strengthening of communal bonds

Persecution also strengthened Christian commitment to mercy. During periods of state hostility, believers risked imprisonment, torture, and death. Christian communities responded by supporting prisoners, comforting the bereaved, and providing for the families of martyrs. The letter describing the persecution in Lyons and Vienne recounts how Christians visited the imprisoned, cleaned their wounds, and encouraged them.¹⁷

Such acts deepened communal solidarity and testified to the transformative power of the gospel. Persecution did not crush the church; it refined its mercy, making the Christian community a refuge in a hostile world.

Almsgiving and eschatological hope

Mercy in the early church was also fueled by eschatological expectation. Christians believed that the kingdom of God was breaking into history. Almsgiving was seen as an investment in eternal life. Jesus had instructed His disciples to “store up for yourselves treasures in heaven” by giving to the poor (Matt 6:20), and early Christians took this literally. Cyprian, for example, urged the wealthy to give generously, for “almsgiving is a thing that inherits eternal life.”¹⁸

This eschatological orientation gave Christian charity a depth and durability unmatched in pagan society. Christians were not simply responding to social need; they were living out a kingdom ethic that anticipated God’s future renewal of all things.

¹ Tertullian, Apology 39.
² Didache 1.5; 13.7.
³ Justin Martyr, First Apology 67.
⁴ Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 5.1–3.
⁵ Acts 6:1–6; see also Ignatius, Letter to the Trallians 2–3.
⁶ Ignatius, Letter to the Smyrnaeans 8.1.
⁷ Cyprian, Epistle 34.3.
⁸ 1 Timothy 5:3–16; cf. Didascalia Apostolorum 14.
⁹ Didascalia Apostolorum 14–15.
¹⁰ Aristides, Apology 15.
¹¹ Tertullian, Apology 39.
¹² Julian, Letter to Arsacius.
¹³ Shepherd of Hermas, Similitudes 1–5.
¹⁴ Dionysius of Alexandria, in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 7.22.
¹⁵ Cyprian, On the Plague (De Mortalitate) 14–16.
¹⁶ Rodney Stark, The Rise of Christianity (San Francisco: HarperOne, 1996), 73–94.
¹⁷ Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 5.1–3.
¹⁸ Cyprian, On Works and Alms 2–4.

Part II — The Contemporary Church in China as a Comparison

The Rise, Suppression, and Revival of Chinese Christianity

Christianity before the Communist era

Though Christian presence in China dates back to at least the Tang Dynasty (7th century), the most substantial growth occurred during the 19th and early 20th centuries through Protestant missions and Catholic revitalization. By 1949, there were approximately four million Christians in China, including both Protestants and Catholics.¹ But despite this growth, Christianity remained a relatively small minority, often associated with foreign missionaries and Western cultural influence.

The Communist revolution and the collapse of institutional Christianity

The 1949 revolution transformed the religious landscape. The new Communist government viewed religion—especially Christianity—as a relic of foreign imperialism and a potential threat to ideological unity. Missionaries were expelled, churches were closed or severely restricted, and religious leaders were pressured to conform to the state’s political expectations.

During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), religious practice of any kind was outlawed. Churches were destroyed or repurposed, Bibles were burned, and believers faced persecution, imprisonment, and reeducation.² Even informal religious gatherings were dangerous, forcing Christians to adapt through clandestine meetings, whispered prayers, and the circulation of hand-copied Scriptures.

The unexpected revival after 1978

After Mao’s death, China entered a period of economic reform and limited social liberalization under Deng Xiaoping. The new constitution (1982) permitted “normal religious activities” under state oversight.³ Registered Protestant congregations were reorganized under the Three-Self Patriotic Movement (TSPM) and the China Christian Council (CCC). Nevertheless, millions of Chinese Christians—distrustful of state control or seeking greater spiritual vitality—began gathering in unregistered “house churches.”

What followed is one of the most significant religious revivals of the 20th century. Estimates vary, but by the early 21st century, the number of Chinese Christians had grown to somewhere between 40 and 80 million, depending on whether unregistered believers are included.⁴ Some researchers suggest even higher numbers, though reliable data is difficult to obtain. What is clear is that Christianity has become one of the largest social forces in contemporary China.

Why Christianity grew under repression

Several scholars argue that Christianity grew in large part because the repression of religious institutions pushed faith into decentralized, relational networks. Fenggang Yang describes this environment through his “red, black, and gray market” model: state-sanctioned religion (red), illegal religion (black), and semi-tolerated religion (gray).⁵ House-church Christianity thrived especially in the gray market, where it could maintain visibility within tightly knit networks while remaining flexible enough to survive government pressure.

In this environment, mutual aid and mercy played a decisive role. Without official structures, believers became one another’s safety nets. They shared resources, helped the poor, cared for imprisoned church leaders, and supported families in hardship. Mercy was not an optional ministry program; it was a survival strategy that became a spiritual formation process.

The revival of Christianity in China, like the growth of the early church in Rome, cannot be fully explained without appreciating the role of mercy, mutual support, and sacrificial community life.

House-Church Ecclesiology and Mutual Aid

The house church as a relational organism

Unregistered churches in China are often referred to as “house churches” not simply because they meet in homes but because they model a relational, familial ecclesiology. Ian Johnson describes these congregations as “families of families,” structured around small-group life, pastoral care, and mutual responsibility.⁶

This relational ecclesiology is partly theological—reflecting biblical patterns of household gatherings and spiritual kinship—and partly circumstantial. Without property, legal recognition, or official clergy training, house churches rely on interpersonal bonds to maintain unity, discipleship, and pastoral care. Mercy naturally emerges from such a structure.

Mutual aid as a spiritual discipline

Many Chinese house churches treat mutual aid not merely as charity but as a spiritual discipline rooted in the gospel. Reports from rural Henan province describe believers who share harvests, income, medicine, and livestock with families in need.⁷ In urban churches, young professionals form benevolence funds to help elderly members, migrants, and the unemployed.

These acts of generosity are carried out quietly, often without formal programs. The goal is not publicity but faithfulness. As one house-church pastor told researchers, “If we do not take care of our own members, we have no witness before the world.”⁸ Mercy, therefore, functions as a form of discipleship, spiritual maturity, and communal identity.

Care for the persecuted

One of the most striking features of Chinese Christianity is the way believers support those who face persecution or imprisonment. When pastors or evangelists are detained, churches rally to care for their families, provide financial support, and publicly advocate through prayer or underground networks. Tony Lambert documents numerous cases where imprisoned Christian leaders had their rent, food, and children’s school fees covered entirely by the congregation.⁹

This dynamic closely resembles the early church’s care for martyrs and prisoners. Just as Christians in Lyons and Vienne visited the imprisoned and tended their wounds,ⁱ⁰ Chinese believers engage in costly solidarity with members suffering for the faith.

Vulnerable populations within Chinese churches

Chinese society includes several vulnerable groups: rural migrants, elderly urban residents, “left-behind” children in rural areas, women at risk of domestic abuse, and disabled individuals. House churches often provide relational support where the state’s social safety nets fall short.

Examples include:

• Congregations that house migrant families temporarily until they find employment

• Networks that support children left behind when parents migrate for work

• Women’s fellowships that protect and counsel victims of domestic violence

• Care ministries for members living with chronic illness

Though these ministries often remain informal, they have tremendous impact within their communities.

Public vs. Underground Mercy: The Politics of Charity in China

State-sanctioned churches and structured benevolence

Registered Protestant churches in China, operating under the TSPM/CCC framework, engage in various forms of public charity. One of the most prominent expressions is the Amity Foundation, China’s largest faith-based social service organization. Founded in 1985 with the approval of the state, Amity operates elder-care centers, disaster-relief programs, rural development projects, and educational initiatives.¹¹

These ministries represent genuine Christian compassion, yet they must align with state guidelines. Religious motivation cannot be overtly emphasized, evangelism is prohibited, and activities must support governmental social objectives. The result is a form of institutional charity that is real but carefully managed.

Limitations on visible mercy among unregistered churches

Unregistered churches face much tighter restrictions. Chinese law prohibits unauthorized religious gatherings, teaching, or charitable activity. Large-scale benevolence efforts—such as orphanage work, homeless shelters, or public healthcare initiatives—risk drawing government scrutiny.¹²

Thus, while house churches engage robustly in relational mercy within their own networks, they cannot easily develop public, institutional mercy comparable to the early Christian church of the fourth century, when bishops oversaw hospitals, orphanages, and alms houses. Their mercy resembles more closely the pre-Constantinian church’s relational, household-based charity.

Case study: Early Rain Reformed Church (Chengdu)

One of the most studied urban house churches is Early Rain Covenant Church in Chengdu. Before a major crackdown in 2018, the church operated small-scale mercy ministries: supporting students without financial means, caring for the elderly, visiting the sick, and providing legal and financial aid to families of persecuted Christians.¹³

After the crackdown, which included mass arrests and the imprisonment of Pastor Wang Yi, members continued to support affected families through underground networks. The ministry became more relational, scattered, and cautious—but no less sacrificial.

Vulnerability of public charity to political pressure

When unregistered churches attempt public-facing charity—such as disaster relief or social services—the line between benevolence and perceived political activism becomes thin. Several churches that engaged in earthquake-relief efforts after the 2008 Sichuan earthquake later faced heightened governmental scrutiny.¹⁴

This dynamic mirrors, in inverse fashion, the reactions of pagan authorities in antiquity. Whereas Roman officials worried that Christian charity made paganism look morally inferior, Chinese officials worry that Christian charity builds social influence outside state control. In both cases, mercy is politically charged because it empowers religious communities.

“Quiet mercy” as an adaptive virtue

Given these constraints, Chinese house churches often practice what might be called quiet mercy: low-visibility, relationship-based acts of generosity that strengthen internal bonds without attracting unwanted attention. This involves:

• Informal benevolence funds

• Discreet financial assistance to struggling members

• Volunteer caregiving for the sick and elderly

• Hospitality to migrants and new believers

• Prayer and support for imprisoned Christians

Quiet mercy does not replicate the public charity of the fourth-century Roman church but strongly resembles the tender, household-based mercy of the second-century persecuted church.

Case Studies: Rural and Urban Expressions of Chinese Christian Mercy

Rural Henan: Mercy in an agrarian setting

Henan province is often referred to as the “Jerusalem of China” due to its dense network of rural house churches. In many Henan congregations, believers share crops, livestock, and agricultural labor with struggling families.¹⁵ They provide interest-free loans, assist widows with farming, and rebuild homes damaged by storms or floods.

This agricultural mercy reflects both necessity and theology. Rural poverty remains widespread, and state assistance is limited. Christian mercy steps into this vacuum, just as it did in the ancient Roman context. Here, mercy functions as practical solidarity among believers whose survival depends on cooperation.

Migrant communities in coastal cities

Across China’s major cities—Shanghai, Shenzhen, Guangzhou, Beijing—millions of migrant workers live without urban residency permits (hukou), making them ineligible for public services. House churches often serve as surrogate families for migrants. They provide:

• Childcare during work hours

• Help locating jobs

• Shared housing

• Emergency medical funds

• Ongoing pastoral care

In this sense, the Chinese house church replays the early Christian movement’s ministry to migrants, laborers, and socially dislocated populations.

Ministry to elderly “empty-nest” parents

China’s one-child policy and rapid urbanization have created millions of elderly citizens whose children live far away. Some churches—both registered and unregistered—organize small teams to visit the elderly, provide companionship, assist with meals and chores, and support widows in emotional distress.¹⁶

These ministries resemble the early church’s care for widows and the elderly, fulfilling the biblical mandate to honor older believers (1 Tim 5:3–8).

Urban professional churches: organized benevolence

Among urban professional congregations—those with lawyers, engineers, professors, and students—mercy ministries are sometimes more structured. They may include:

• Legal assistance for persecuted members

• Financial scholarships for low-income students

• Support networks for domestic abuse survivors

• Quiet partnerships with NGOs to assist marginalized groups

These ministries are carefully managed to remain within legal boundaries while still expressing Christian compassion.

Mercy as mission for the emerging Chinese church

While Chinese churches cannot develop large-scale institutions such as hospitals or orphanages without state approval, their mercy often becomes a powerful witness within their relational networks. Converts frequently testify that they were drawn to Christ by the love and practical care they experienced from believers.¹⁷

Just as in the early Roman world, mercy in China functions as a compelling apologetic, strengthening the church from within and quietly expanding its influence without.

¹ Xi Lian, Redeemed by Fire: The Rise of Popular Christianity in Modern China (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010), 4–6.
² Tony Lambert, China’s Christian Millions (Oxford: Monarch Books, 2006), 31–45.
³ Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (1982), Article 36.
⁴ Fenggang Yang, Religion in China: Survival and Revival under Communist Rule (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 87–93.
⁵ Yang, Religion in China, 20–27.
⁶ Ian Johnson, The Souls of China: The Return of Religion After Mao (New York: Pantheon, 2017), 142–65.
⁷ Lambert, China’s Christian Millions, 102–110.
⁸ Johnson, Souls of China, 163.
⁹ Lambert, China’s Christian Millions, 121–32.
¹⁰ Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 5.1–3.
¹¹ T. Carino, “Transformative Diaconia in China: The Amity Foundation,” Religions 2023.
¹² Carsten T. Vala, The Politics of Protestant Churches and the Party-State in China (New York: Routledge, 2017), 89–108.
¹³ Johnson, Souls of China, 210–35.
¹⁴ Vala, Politics of Protestant Churches, 115–20.
¹⁵ Lambert, China’s Christian Millions, 103–107.
¹⁶ Johnson, Souls of China, 187–205.
¹⁷ Lian, Redeemed by Fire, 223–27.

Part III — Synthesis and Application

Theological Reflections on Mercy and Christian Identity

Throughout Scripture and Christian history, the ministry of mercy emerges as a defining marker of the people of God. While doctrinal confession, worship, and sacramental life are essential, the visible practice of mercy gives concrete expression to the gospel and demonstrates its transforming power in the world. To develop a practical theology of good works, it is necessary to examine the theological foundations that make mercy indispensable.

The God who shows mercy

The Christian call to mercy is rooted in the character of God. In the Old Testament, God reveals Himself as “compassionate and gracious, slow to anger, abounding in love and faithfulness” (Exod 34:6 NIV). The Hebrew word ḥesed, often translated “steadfast love,” conveys God’s covenantal commitment to act on behalf of the vulnerable. God is “a father to the fatherless, a defender of widows” (Ps 68:5). His people are commanded to imitate this concern by caring for the poor, the widow, the orphan, and the foreigner.

Jesus Christ embodies this divine compassion in His earthly ministry. He proclaims good news to the poor (Luke 4:18), touches the untouchable, restores the broken, and commands His disciples to love one another as He has loved them (John 13:34). In the incarnation, the eternal Son becomes poor for our sake (2 Cor 8:9), revealing that the divine nature is self-giving love.

The early church understood mercy as a participation in God’s character. To withhold mercy was to misrepresent God; to show mercy was to display His presence in the world.

Mercy as the expression of the gospel

The gospel does not merely inform believers of salvation; it transforms them into people who reflect Christ’s love. As Paul writes, “For we are God’s handiwork… created in Christ Jesus to do good works” (Eph 2:10). Good works are not a means of salvation but its fruit, the natural result of union with Christ.

Mercy is therefore central to the church’s mission. It is not a strategy for growth, though historically it has often produced growth. It is not a social program, though it may take organized form. It is a Christ-shaped way of being in the world, marked by humility, generosity, compassion, and sacrifice.

Mercy and the dignity of the poor

Theologically, mercy affirms the dignity of those who receive it. In both ancient Rome and contemporary China, the poor often occupy marginal social spaces. By caring for the poor, Christians bear witness to the truth that all human beings are made in the image of God and loved by Christ.

Mercy is also a means of resisting societal forces that dehumanize the vulnerable. In Rome, Christian charity countered the brutalities of infant exposure, slavery, and class-based neglect. In China, Christian mercy challenges economic inequality, social abandonment, and political pressure that marginalizes migrants, the elderly, and persecuted believers.

The eschatological dimension of mercy

Early Christians saw mercy through an eschatological lens. Jesus’ teaching in Matthew 25 emphasizes that acts of compassion are signs of readiness for the coming kingdom. Almsgiving is described as a treasure stored in heaven (Matt 6:19–21). The future judgment depends in part on whether believers have cared for “the least of these” (Matt 25:40).

Chinese Christians share this eschatological orientation, though shaped by their own historical circumstances. Their mercy is often rendered in the face of suffering and persecution, echoing the early church’s expectation that the Christian life involves sharing in Christ’s sufferings (Phil 3:10). Mercy becomes an act of hope—an anticipation of the kingdom in a context of earthly hardship.

Comparative Analysis: Rome and China

Similarities in social context

The early Christian movement emerged in a society marked by social fragmentation, economic inequality, and limited social welfare. Vulnerable groups—including widows, orphans, and the poor—often had few support systems. Likewise, modern China, despite rapid economic growth, includes vast populations with limited access to social services, such as migrant workers, rural poor, elderly “empty-nest” parents, and people affected by political repression.

In both contexts, Christians stepped into a social vacuum. Mercy was not simply a religious ritual; it was a practical expression of solidarity in a world that offered little protection to the vulnerable.

Persecution and the strengthening of mercy

Persecution played a formative role in shaping the early church’s practice of mercy. Believers supported those imprisoned for the faith, provided for families of martyrs, and cared for those who suffered violence. This solidarity under pressure strengthened communal identity.

Chinese Christianity exhibits the same pattern. House churches, routinely subject to surveillance, fines, or arrests, have developed deep networks of mutual aid. They tend to families of detained pastors, cover court fees, and provide shelter to believers displaced by state pressure. As in ancient Rome, persecution sharpens, rather than dilutes, the commitment to mercy.

The difference of political visibility

One major difference between Rome and China concerns the public visibility of charitable work. In the fourth century, after Christianity received legal status, the church developed hospitals, orphanages, and alms houses. Mercy became a public institution.

In China, however, Christians—especially unregistered believers—cannot exercise mercy in highly visible forms without risking state suppression. Public charity by religious organizations is tightly regulated; evangelistic intent is forbidden. As a result, mercy in China remains primarily relational, intimate, and discreet.

This difference highlights the adaptive nature of Christian mercy. While circumstances change, the underlying call to compassion remains constant.

Mercy as evangelistic witness

In both Rome and China, mercy has proven to be a potent form of witness. In Rome, Julian the Apostate lamented that Christian charity was winning converts more effectively than pagan rituals. In China, many testimonies describe individuals drawn to faith not by public preaching but by the kindness, hospitality, and sacrificial love of Christian communities.

Mercy thus functions as a lived apologetic. It demonstrates the credibility of the gospel in tangible form, especially in societies suspicious of Christian doctrine.

The universality of Christian mercy

One of the most striking parallels between the early church and contemporary Chinese Christianity is the universality of compassion. Neither restricts mercy to insiders. Roman Christians cared for pagan poor; Chinese Christians frequently assist non-believers, especially in times of disaster or poverty.

This universality challenges broader cultural norms. In ancient Rome, benevolence beyond one’s kinship group or civic patrons was rare. In China, where public expressions of religion are monitored, the willingness of Christians to care for strangers often marks them as distinct.

Implications for a Practical Theology of Good Works

A practical theology of good works must be grounded not only in biblical exegesis but also in historical and contemporary expressions of Christian mercy. The early church and contemporary Chinese church both demonstrate that mercy is a core dimension of Christian discipleship and a vital expression of the kingdom of God.

Mercy is ecclesial, not merely individual

Mercy in the early church was mediated through the community—through deacons, widows, almsgiving, and communal funds. Similarly, Chinese house churches practice mercy corporately, through benevolence funds, shared resources, and pastoral care.

Good works in the Christian life are therefore not primarily private acts of piety but communal expressions of love, shaped and sustained by the gathered people of God.

Mercy requires structures

Acts 6 demonstrates that mercy requires organization. The early church appointed leaders to administer the daily distribution. Today, even in contexts where public charity is restricted, the church must develop structures for mercy that are transparent, sustainable, and accountable.

Mercy is transformative for the giver

Early Christian writers often portrayed almsgiving not only as beneficial for the poor but as sanctifying for the giver. The same is true in China today, where believers testify that mutual care has deepened their faith and strengthened communal bonds.

A practical theology of good works must emphasize this sanctifying dimension: mercy shapes the hearts of believers into the likeness of Christ.

Mercy is a witness to the world

Whether in ancient Rome or contemporary China, mercy has functioned as an evangelistic witness. When Christians care for the vulnerable—including those outside the faith—they embody the love of Christ in ways that often lead observers to reconsider their assumptions about Christianity.

Mercy is eschatological

Both the early church and Chinese believers practice mercy with an awareness of Christ’s return. Compassion is not simply social action; it is a sign of the coming kingdom. The church’s mercy anticipates the renewal of all things, offering the world a glimpse of God’s future.

Conclusion: The Enduring Witness of Mercy

Across two thousand years and vastly different cultural, social, and political environments, Christian mercy has remained a defining expression of faith in Christ. In ancient Rome, mercy differentiated Christians from pagan society, strengthened communal bonds, attracted new believers, and helped the church survive crises. In contemporary China, mercy within house churches serves a similar role: sustaining believers in hardship, revealing the gospel through compassionate acts, and enabling Christian communities to flourish despite political restrictions.

A practical theology of good works must take seriously this historical and contemporary witness. The ministry of mercy is not merely an ethical ideal but a lived reality that forms the church into the image of Christ and reveals the kingdom to the world. Wherever Christians gather—whether in Roman apartments or Chinese high-rise apartments—they are called to embody the love of God through mercy, compassion, and sacrificial service.

Christian history teaches us that mercy is not optional. It is the heartbeat of the church, the mark of genuine discipleship, and one of the most powerful expressions of the gospel in any age.

¹ See, e.g., Michael Gorman, Cruciformity (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2001), 87–110.
² Christopher J.H. Wright, The Mission of God (Downers Grove: IVP, 2006), 344–50.
³ Ibid., 455–60.
⁴ John Barclay, Paul and the Gift (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2015), 185–210.
⁵ Justin Martyr, First Apology 67.
⁶ See Robert Banks, Paul’s Idea of Community (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994).
⁷ Andrew Walls, The Missionary Movement in Christian History (Maryknoll: Orbis, 1996), 52–58.
⁸ Yang, Religion in China, 20–27.
⁹ Lian, Redeemed by Fire, 223–27.
¹⁰ Julian, Letter to Arsacius.
¹¹ Alan Kreider, The Patient Ferment of the Early Church (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2016).
¹² Stark, The Rise of Christianity, 73–94.
¹³ Carino, “Transformative Diaconia in China.”

CONSOLIDATED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Primary Sources

Aristides. Apology.
Cyprian. On Works and Alms.
Didascalia Apostolorum.
Eusebius. Ecclesiastical History.
Ignatius of Antioch. Letters.
Julian the Apostate. Letter to Arsacius.
Justin Martyr. First Apology.
Shepherd of Hermas.
Tertullian. Apology.

Secondary Sources

Banks, Robert. Paul’s Idea of Community. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1994.
Barclay, John. Paul and the Gift. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2015. 
Carino, T. “Transformative Diaconia in China: The Amity Foundation.” Religions, 2023.
Ferngren, Gary. Medicine and Health Care in Early Christianity. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2009.
Gorman, Michael J. Cruciformity. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2001.
Johnson, Ian. The Souls of China: The Return of Religion After Mao. New York: Pantheon, 2017.
Kreider, Alan. The Patient Ferment of the Early Church. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2016.
Lambert, Tony. China’s Christian Millions. Oxford: Monarch Books, 2006.
Lian, Xi. Redeemed by Fire: The Rise of Popular Christianity in Modern China. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010.
Stark, Rodney. The Rise of Christianity. San Francisco: HarperOne, 1996.
Vala, Carsten T. The Politics of Protestant Churches and the Party-State in China. New York: Routledge, 2017.
Walls, Andrew. The Missionary Movement in Christian History. Maryknoll: Orbis, 1996.
Wright, Christopher J.H. The Mission of God. Downers Grove: IVP, 2006.
Yang, Fenggang. Religion in China: Survival and Revival under Communist Rule. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012.

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